http://www.forbes.com/2009/10/27/harry-rei...n-gerstein.html
Dangerous Thoughts
Extreme Takeover, Washington Edition
Dan Gerstein, 10.28.09, 12:01 AM EDT
Where partisan politics prevail.
Monday's big news that Harry Reid was opting for the public option in the Senate health care bill provided one of those rare clarifying moments in American politics that actually exceeded the hype it generated. In one fell (and potentially felling) swoop, the soft-spoken Senate Majority Leader gave Democrats sole ownership over the riskiest experiment in social policy since the New Deal, gave the kiss of death to Obama's still-born hope of a new post-partisan era and, most significantly, cemented the reactionary battle lines that will likely shape our national elections for years to come.
...
I don't think Obama set out to do a bait and switch. He can argue for his ambitious domestic policy initiatives on an individual basis as pragmatic and necessary responses to exigent circumstances, starting with the banking and auto bailouts and on through the stimulus package, the cap-and-trade plan on climate change, the wholesale shift to direct student lending and the creation of a new consumer financial regulatory watchdog. But collectively there is no getting around the pattern of expanding federal powers, especially now that the Democrats have cast their lot with the public option.
Nor is there any denying that the new majority in Congress has often pushed Obama's plans in a more traditional liberal direction and drained them of their most innovative facets. The most obvious example is the stimulus package, which became a poster child for old school social pork. You can say that's a separation of powers issue, but the public does not differentiate that way. It was Obama's bill, it's his party. The same holds true for health care (assuming, as many insiders now do, that it is now on track to pass). The result is a growing feeling, especially among wary independents, that we are at the start of a new era of big government.
For Democrats, this means the official end of Bill Clinton's popular "third way" approach to progressive policymaking, which aimed to synthesize the best ideas of both sides. Obama seemed to go both ways on the third way during the campaign, repudiating it at times to win over the left and embracing it at times to win over the middle. But now it's clear there will be little if any synthesizing or triangulating. The president and his allies on Capitol Hill are betting that the suspicion of government that Reagan cultivated for a generation has ebbed enough to buy their activist policies time to work. If they succeed, the left will have driven a stake into the philosophical heart of conservatism.
If these policies fail, though, Democrats will run the risk of being discredited for a generation, much as they were in the '70s and '80s. The danger is particularly high on health care, where the metrics will be as clear as the party's responsibility for the changes to the system. Premium costs will be easily measurable; so will the impact on the deficit. We will know soon if the public option creates more competition, as promised. And we will know soon if the political concessions the Democrats swallowed to make the bill viable have in fact gutted the cost containment measures, as some experts warn. If that happens, it won't just be the party that gets punished, but its governing philosophy.
For the Republicans, this means the pressure is off to come up with a compelling alternative agenda, and they can comfortably revert to the dated dogma of the Reagan Revolution. There were some prominent voices within the GOP who were openly cautioning against being marginalized as the "party of no" earlier in the year. But the prevailing view now is that with the Democrats massively overreaching and overspending, Republicans don't have to make a hard sell on specific solutions (or deal with thorny questions of how to pay for them). They are betting their big picture vision of small government will be enough to win back the independents Bush scared away for next year's midterms and then in 2012.
...
For the rest of us, particularly those in the frustrated middle, this means politics as usual will likely get even more brutal in the short term. The 2010 campaign will be even more impoverished and formulaic. There will be more partisan hardliners on both sides in Congress in 2011--fewer moderate Republican challengers will be nominated, and fewer moderate Democratic incumbents will return. And there will be even more division and paralysis on the serious outstanding challenges that the Democrats won't be able to get to this year. Closing the deficit? Reforming entitlements? Balloon boy has a better chance of getting into NASA.
...
Most voters outside the hard left and right concluded on a gut level that McCain was too much like Bush and that Obama was smart enough and competent enough to take a risk. They would be thrilled to be courted with an honest competition of specific solutions before they go to the polls next fall.
But judging by the past 10 months, that's the last thing we can expect in the foreseeable future. The Republicans will attack government in simplistic, exaggerated terms. The Democrats will defend their programs in simplistic, exaggerated terms. And the frustrated middle will feel like it's been left to watch a looped repeat of a bad reality show--and wishing they could vote the whole bunch off the island.
--------------------------
These are dangerous times for The Republic my friends...dangerous times.
